{"id":2893,"date":"2020-03-03T14:43:14","date_gmt":"2020-03-03T19:43:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/historiadelarte.uniandes.edu.co\/?page_id=2893"},"modified":"2021-05-01T17:32:32","modified_gmt":"2021-05-01T22:32:32","slug":"abstracts","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/historiadelarte.uniandes.edu.co\/en\/landscape-art-of-the-americas\/abstracts\/","title":{"rendered":"Abstracts"},"content":{"rendered":"

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_single_image source=”external_link” external_img_size=”1920×1080″ custom_src=”https:\/\/historiadelarte.uniandes.edu.co\/files\/2020\/02\/Simposio-Landscape-Art-of-the-Americas-Sites-of-Human-Intervention-across-the-Nineteenth-Century.jpg”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

Keynotes<\/h2>\n

[\/vc_column_text][vc_tta_accordion style=”flat” shape=”square” color=”peacoc” active_section=”-1″ no_fill=”true”][vc_tta_section title=”Figures in a Landscape: Picturing Human Agency and the Will of Nature in the Nineteenth Century – Rachael Z. DeLue, Princeton University” tab_id=”rachael-delue”][vc_column_text]The American philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote in 1841 that landscape paintings \u201cshould give the suggestion of a fairer creation than we know.\u201d\u00a0This sense of landscape as a genre that subjects the natural world to the improvements of the artist\u2019s hand dates to the earliest use of the term in English in the seventeenth century and persists today. Be they sublime, beautiful or picturesque, landscapes exist to please and to offer refuge to the eye and mind.\u00a0But what happens when a landscape presents not a fairer creation but a degraded terrain?\u00a0When a landscape is ugly rather than beautiful?\u00a0What do we, as scholars of landscape art in the Americas, do with landscapes that exist radically against the grain?\u00a0This lecture considers the history of what might be called the \u201canti-landscape\u201d in the nineteenth century: images that defy the expectations of the genre by presenting views of nature\u2019s undoing by humans, ravaged and ruinous prospects instead of delightful natural scenes. In exploring possible art-historical responses to such imagery, the lecture suggests that nineteenth-century anti-landscapes offer something like an anti-theory of landscape, one essential for rethinking the landscape genre as well as the relationship between nature and the human\u2014the proverbial figure in the landscape\u2014in the Anthropocene.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_accordion][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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Abstracts<\/h2>\n

[\/vc_column_text][vc_tta_accordion style=”flat” shape=”square” color=”peacoc” active_section=”-1″ no_fill=”true”][vc_tta_section title=”Convention and Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Representations of the Railroad – Alan Wallach” tab_id=”alan-wallach”][vc_column_text]Alan Trachtenberg has observed that \u201cnothing else in the nineteenth century seemed as vivid and dramatic a sign of modernity as the railroad.\u201d Yet for all its vividness and drama, when it came to landscape painting, the railroad proved to be a difficult, indeed almost impossible, subject.<\/p>\n

Although railroads began operating in the United States in the 1820s, it was only in the 1840s that they first put in an appearance in landscape paintings that today fall into the category fine or high art.<\/p>\n

What made the railroad such a problematic subject for landscape painting? My answer follows in part Leo Marx\u2019s argument in his celebrated study, The Machine in the Garden, Technology and the Pastoral Ideal <\/em>(1964). Marx described how Hawthorne, Thoreau, Emerson, Melville and other nineteenth-century American writers developed literary forms to represent, in Marx\u2019s words, \u201cthe new industrial power.\u201d Similarly, I argue that American landscapists struggled to develop pictorial means to represent the railroad. The process involved manipulating and altering established landscape painting conventions in order to align the forms of landscape with, or, in a few instances, against, modernizing ideologies. My analysis proceeds via a close examination of works by Thomas Cole, Fitz Henry Lane, Asher B. Durand, Jasper Cropsey, Martin Johnson Heade, George Inness, and Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Velasco.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”The Schuylkill River School and the Industrial Picturesque in the Early American Republic – Anna O. Marley” tab_id=”anna-o-marley”][vc_column_text]This paper will examine the important and underexplored tradition of landscape representation \u2013 the Schuylkill River School\u2014 not an organized society of artists, but rather a movement of landscape art that developed around painters affiliated with the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts (PAFA) in Philadelphia from the Declaration of Independence in 1776 through the years of the Early American Republic. The global image of a progressive, prosperous, industrial United States in the first quarter of the nineteenth century would come to be defined by this landscape school, which would go on to have a profound effect on Thomas Cole who is now known as the \u201cFather of the Hudson River School\u201d – often erroneously called the first school of painting in the United States. During the time Cole studied at PAFA in the early 1820s, he was influenced by the work of Thomas Birch, whose American landscapes he admired at PAFA\u2019s annual exhibitions. The paintings of Birch created an explosion of popular images of the Schuylkill River that would travel around the world. For example, scenes of the Fairmount Waterworks depicted in paintings shown at PAFA\u2019s annual exhibitions were recreated as prints and transferred onto tableware produced in Bohemia, China, and Great Britain. Birch\u2019s Fairmount Water Works<\/em> (1821), remarkably executed in minute detail, shows picturesque beauty and industry in harmony along the Schuylkill River, including details of the new city waterworks, Schuylkill River canal, the first steamship to travel up the waterway, and the beauty of Lemon Hill Mansion perched on the banks above the river. It was this painting and its permutations in print, ceramic and more, that brought human and nature into aesthetic harmony along the Schuylkill and served as the icon of the landscape of the early Republican United States until it was displaced by the sublimity of Niagara Falls after the completion of the Eerie Canal, another industrial marvel, after 1825.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”\u201cIt Must\u2019ve Been a Pineapple:\u201d Henry Morrison Flagler, Martin Johnson Heade, and the Development of Coastal Florida – Astrid G. Tvetenstrand” tab_id=”astrid-g-tvetenstrand”][vc_column_text]During the nineteenth-century, the territory of the United States expanded and consequently reimagined the boundaries of the nation. While many Americans travelled to the West, a select few ventured south to industrialize and establish the state of Florida. In 1845, Florida was admitted to the Union. This action solidified its value for the country. Encompassing a unique environment, foreign to elite Americans of the period, contemporary perceptions of Florida were grounded in nineteenth-century actions and events. The increase in commerce was a direct result of the profound impact Henry Morrison Flagler (1830-1913) had upon the region.<\/p>\n

Central to Flagler\u2019s process of development was a heightened association with the arts and more specifically, landscape painting. This concept is best articulated through Flagler\u2019s professional relationship and personal friendship with noted nineteenth-century American landscape artist, Martin Johnson Heade (1819-1904). The origins of commerce in the region created a profitable and aesthetically beneficial bond that endorsed the ideal Floridian scenery and simultaneously created a site of human exchange, intervention, and commerce.<\/p>\n

While much scholarship has focused upon either Flagler or Heade as individuals, localization of their intertwined relationship has yet to be investigated beyond superficial studies. This paper examines paintings by Heade, images of nineteenth-century Florida, and the advertising culture of the period to substantiate the value of this relationship. This paper aims to substantiate that the goals of Flagler and the talents of Heade were invaluable to the development of the region and have consequently shaped modern perceptions regarding landscape in America. The Ponce de Leon Hotel\u2019s connection to Heade\u2019s Great Florida Sunset, <\/em>ca. 1887, and his View from Fern-Tree Walk\u2014Jamaica, <\/em>ca. 1887, marketed and validated the conception of the \u201cideal Florida\u201d which wealthy Americans continue to champion to this day.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Unidad Paisaje y lugar en la fotograf\u00eda colombiana, a finales del siglo XIX – Carlos Rojas Cocoma” tab_id=”carlos-rojas-cocoma”][vc_column_text]A finales del siglo XIX, la fotograf\u00eda de paisaje en Colombia contribuy\u00f3 a crear las primeras im\u00e1genes de la regi\u00f3n. Su impacto en la manera de representar el espacio, comparado con t\u00e9cnicas pict\u00f3ricas, implic\u00f3 la creaci\u00f3n de una imagen que reconociera una unidad visual. En la presente investigaci\u00f3n se ha realizado un an\u00e1lisis de cerca de 800 fotograf\u00edas de diversos acopios documentales referentes al paisaje en Colombia; gracias a ello se ha podido interpretar c\u00f3mo a trav\u00e9s del desarrollo de estas im\u00e1genes, y de su popularizaci\u00f3n a trav\u00e9s de medios como la tarjeta postal, se impuls\u00f3 el desarrollo de emblemas simb\u00f3licos de lugar. \u00a0Siguiendo de cerca la idea de unidad desde el pensamiento de Georg Simmel en sus ensayos sobre el conflicto, profundizando a trav\u00e9s de la noci\u00f3n de clich\u00e9<\/em> de Gilles Deleuze en su seminario sobre pintura y tomando el mismo concepto desde la obra de la ling\u00fcista Ruth Amossy, analizaremos c\u00f3mo en Colombia a trav\u00e9s de las adaptaciones visuales de la fotograf\u00eda el paisaje adquiri\u00f3 la forma visual que le permiti\u00f3 transformar un lugar en un \u00edcono.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Picturing West African Muslims in the 19th century Brazilian Landscape: M\u00e2le Representations in Transatlantic Visual Culture and Architecture – Caroline \u201cOlivia“ Wolf” tab_id=”caroline-olivia-wolf”][vc_column_text]Recent historical research, such as the work of Habeeb Akande, has shown that West African Muslim slaves\u2013 known as M\u00e2les\u2013 played a critical role in the socio-political landscape of 19th century Brazil, a nation shaped heavily by the transatlantic slave trade. This diasporic community is credited for mobilizing key slave rebellions, such as the 1835 M\u00e2le Revolt of Bahia\u2013 the largest slave resistance effort in the Americas, fostered by the ability to communicate among fellow M\u00e2les in Arabic. Muslim slaves and freemen left a strong mark on Brazilian visual culture and architecture in the form of talismans and print culture, and featured in the works of French illustrator Jean-Baptiste Debret, who depicted African Muslim men and women in his landmark Voyages Pittoresques et Historique du Bresil<\/em>, printed between 1816 and 1831. Similarly, the controversial Harvard-based biologist Agassiz and his wife recorded drawings of Muslim women in 1865. While these illustrations exported representations of West African Muslims in Brazil for consumption by a North American and European public, M\u00e2le descendants also transferred their own image of collective identity in the form of transnational mosque architecture, constructed by members of the diasporic community upon the return of West African free slaves from Brazil to the Bight of Benin in the early 1830s. By focusing on 19th century case studies such as the work of Debret and the Shitta Bey mosque of Lagos, this paper traces images crafted of and by M\u00e2le Muslims in print and architectural form across the landscape of Brazil and back to Benin via a transatlantic perspective.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Harvesting the Tropics: Representing Brazil\u2019s Nineteenth-Century Coffee Fazendas – Caroline Gillaspie” tab_id=”caroline-gillaspie”][vc_column_text]The sweeping panoramic view of the Brazilian coffee plantation Fazenda Montalto <\/em>[Fig. 1], painted by Nicolau Facchinetti in 1881, highlights a productive slave plantation set within the mountainous region of Rio de Janeiro state. The fazenda (farm) scene was commissioned by the estate\u2019s owner amid the dual crises of widespread environmental destruction in the form of deforestation and soil erosion, and the impending abolition of slavery in Brazil. Despite these threats to the survival of the fazenda, the artist framed the denuded forest, now planted with coffee trees, and a small workforce of African slaves within a monumental landscape that optimistically suggests future expansion into the frontier and the continuance of the plantation\u2019s operations. Illuminated by sunlight, the vast landscape of rolling hills stretching to the distant horizon provides a rich and attainable environment for development.<\/p>\n

This paper will explore representations of nineteenth-century Brazilian coffee production, highlighting fazenda images created amid increasing demand for coffee from the Global North. Employing ecocritical analysis of such artworks, I argue that images of coffee fazendas reveal contemporaneous attitudes toward land ownership through celebratory scenes of well managed cultivated property, yet also indicate environmental damage and deforestation. Lands represented as entirely cleared or planted with strict rows of coffee trees are not natural variations in the forestation of the mountains, but rather signal a human intervention in the landscape. This paper furthers the study of American landscape representation through examinations of cultivated (rather than wild) land reliant upon slave labor, and considers the social and environmental impacts of this commodification of nature.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Circuitos internacionales de comercio de plantas: Europa \u2013 Latinoam\u00e9rica en el siglo XIX – XX – Claudia Cendales” tab_id=”claudia-cendales”][vc_column_text]El cambio de gusto en el arte de jardiner\u00eda en Europa en el siglo XVIII y XIX, en parte influenciado por las ideas de Alexander von Humboldt y su Pflanzengeographie, as\u00ed como el creciente inter\u00e9s por las plantas \u201cex\u00f3ticas\u201d por parte de coleccionistas, jardines bot\u00e1nicos y viveros europeos, condujeron a una mayor demanda las mismas. Para la b\u00fasqueda de estas plantas y a ra\u00edz del af\u00e1n con el que algunos coleccionistas quer\u00edan obtenerlas, se encargaron a los plant hunters<\/em> o Pflanzenj\u00e4ger<\/em>, cazadores de plantas profesionales, para recolectarlas en su lugar de origen en diferentes partes del mundo y enviarlas a Europa. Entre Europa y Latinoam\u00e9rica se establecieron circuitos de comercio de plantas, principalmente de orqu\u00eddeas, con actores como los jardines bot\u00e1nicos, los plant hunters<\/em>, as\u00ed como artistas de la jardiner\u00eda y jardineros. Algunos de estos actores llegaron incluso a establecerse de manera temporal o permanente en pa\u00edses latinoamericanos y a participar en proyectos de parques y jardines, como es el caso de Wilhelm Kalbreyer en Colombia. Esta ponencia se enfocar\u00e1 en reconstruir algunos casos espec\u00edficos de estos circuitos internacionales de comercio de plantas, bas\u00e1ndose principalmente en informes de viaje, revistas especializadas de jardiner\u00eda y correspondencia. El objetivo consiste en identificar actores y conexiones, pero tambi\u00e9n en revisar de manera cr\u00edtica algunos de estos informes que denotan una postura colonialista, con la que se llega incluso a destruir la naturaleza nativa en busca de una planta espec\u00edfica que va a ser admirada como naturaleza \u201cex\u00f3tica\u201d en otro contexto cultural.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Detr\u00e1s del\u00a0chaki\u00f1\u00e1n: la consolidaci\u00f3n de pr\u00e1cticas agr\u00edcolas y valores c\u00edvicos y en los paisajes de Luis A. Mart\u00ednez – Diana Iturralde” tab_id=”diana-iturralde”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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En el continente americano, la idea de progreso como avance hacia una sociedad m\u00e1s \u201ccivilizada\u201d y moderna, fue com\u00fanmente plasmada en el paisajismo no urbano a finales del siglo XIX e inicios del XX. Cuando el arte dej\u00f3 de estar subordinado a los intereses religiosos y coloniales, los artistas e intelectuales volcaron su atenci\u00f3n hacia su entorno. Al mismo tiempo, d\u00e9cadas de exploraci\u00f3n cient\u00edfica extranjera en la regi\u00f3n hab\u00edan sembrado la idea de introspecci\u00f3n en la mente de estos criollos que buscaban definirse como estado-naci\u00f3n. En Ecuador, intelectuales \u2013o letrados\u2013 como Luis A. Mart\u00ednez transmitieron sus ideales patri\u00f3ticos en el marco del progreso civilizatorio de modernizaci\u00f3n a trav\u00e9s de una perspectiva positivista, caracter\u00edstica de su posici\u00f3n socio-econ\u00f3mica. Su aproximaci\u00f3n pict\u00f3rica sobre el paisaje revela el legado indeleble de las exploraciones de Alexander von Humboldt y Frederic E. Church; sin embargo, sus textos evidencian un enfoque en las condiciones econ\u00f3micas, f\u00edsicas y sociales espec\u00edficas del estado-naci\u00f3n.<\/p>\n

Esta presentaci\u00f3n argumenta que Luis A. Mart\u00ednez visualiz\u00f3 sus representaciones paisaj\u00edsticas de principio del siglo XX como complemento a sus tratados de agronom\u00eda, promocionando la exploraci\u00f3n del territorio y la explotaci\u00f3n de recursos. En ellas resalt\u00f3 las particularidades de su entorno y represent\u00f3 las mejores pr\u00e1cticas para alcanzar la mayor producci\u00f3n agr\u00edcola posible, especialmente mediante sus paisajes de la regi\u00f3n amaz\u00f3nica. Se postula que la epistemolog\u00eda moderna occidental que desasocia a lo social de lo natural, promulgada en el pensamiento, el texto y pinturas de Mart\u00ednez, evidencia una irrupci\u00f3n no s\u00f3lo en el territorio f\u00edsico de estas comunidades, sino tambi\u00e9n en el mundo socio-natural que en \u00e9l se relacionan.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Rugged Beauty: Americans in the Arctic – Elizabeth Cronin” tab_id=”elizabeth-cronin”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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In 1860 the surgeon Dr. Isaac Israel Hayes set out on an expedition to the Arctic that produced the most successful series of photographic images of the region to date. Hayes\u2019 photographs were translated into woodcuts and engraved as illustrations in his 1867 book The Open Polar Sea<\/em>. They were also published by T.C. Roche in the form of albumen-silver-print and glass stereoviews, allowing for them to be widely distributed and seen in slide lectures he gave. Hayes\u2019 expedition was also memorialized in Frederic Edwin Church\u2019s painting 1865 Aurora Borealis<\/em>. In 1869 Hayes returned to the Arctic along the Boston-based photographers John L. Dunmore and George Critcherson and the landscape painter William Bradford. The purpose of the expedition was not to reach the North Pole. It was solely artistic and Dunmore and Critcherson produced hundreds of glass-plate negatives to assist Bradford in his painting. 141 of the photographs were also reproduced as albumen silver prints in Bradford\u2019s expensive tome The Arctic Regions<\/em>.<\/p>\n

This paper explores how American explorers and artists presented the Arctic visually in photographs, prints, and paintings. As a visually foreign site the Arctic was ideal for photographers and artists. Its landscape could be documented, but also interpreted and embellished. While paintings and many of the prints offered a sublime rendering of the Arctic, the photographs both simultaneously reinforced and deconstructed it. This paper carefully examines and problematizes the intersection of art of science through the prints and photographs of the Arctic.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Representing Independence on the Battlefields of South America – Emily Engel” tab_id=”emily-engel”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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The legendary career Sim\u00f3n Bol\u00edvar is often understood in terms of the vast distances traveled by the liberator as he pursued Spanish troops across South America in the early nineteenth century. Although landscape painting was rarely produced in colonial Latin America, landscape paintings depicting select battle scenes were created during the struggle for independence. Artists and patrons of these artworks were conscious of the relationship between the landscape, which was simultaneously the backdrop and motivation for the fight against Spanish domination, and community identity as a lived experience tied to specific geographic places. South American battle scene landscape paintings documented episodes in the history of Spanish American independence as it unfolded, becoming the first representations of shared national spaces that served as the setting for collective histories of this critical period.<\/p>\n

Michael Charlesworth\u2019s (2008) research has demonstrated that landscape painting had a particular poignancy in the art and culture of nineteenth-century Britain and France, and, it can be argued, the genre carried considerable cultural influence during the wars of independence in South America. Luisa Elena Alcala (2012) has shown how landscape was a compelling visual platform in Guatemala where it served as a call to action for a cross-section of colonial participant observers. Rainer Buschmann (2014) theorized the economic potential of the Iberian Pacific through the lens of landscape representation. Carmen Fern\u00e1dez Salvador (2012) stated, \u201cIn the eighteenth century, artists like Manuel Samaniego included generic mountainous landscapes in the backgrounds of their paintings, and the American landscape itself appeared in ex voto<\/em> paintings about miraculous images. In the latter, due to the documentary purpose of the subjects, nature acquired the specific characteristics of local topography.\u201d In my paper, I explore how topographically descriptive battle scene imagery participated in the configuration of historical narratives which were essential building blocks of independent nations. Experimentation with landscape painting on the battlefields of the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries was part of an innovative artistic shift toward envisioning collective national spaces that have carried significance into the present day.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Searching for the \u201cMachine\u201d in the Venezuelan Tropical Landscape – Jose Alvarez Cornett” tab_id=”jose-alvarez-cornett”][vc_column_text]Was the machine represented in nineteenth-century art in Venezuela? Here \u201cmachine\u201d is a metaphor for modernization and 19th-century technology (railroads, steamboats, the steam engine, telegraph, electricity, bridges and roads, factories, and mining). Our inquiry did not emerge from the history of art but rather within the context of the cultural history of technology, in a study on technological utopianism in Venezuela and, in part, influenced by our reading of Leo Marx’s ‘The Machine in the Garden’ (1964).<\/p>\n

In Venezuela, during our national identity building process which began in the 19th century, Nature was not used as a unifying factor but rather the heroic figure of Sim\u00f3n Bol\u00edvar (1783-1830) and the feats of the War of Independence (1810-1824). Thus, according to the representation needs of the time, Venezuelan nineteenth-century artists favored painting historical themes and doing the portraits of historical figures.<\/p>\n

In the 19th century, the landscape painters active in Venezuela were mostly European foreign artists who were not concerned about the \u201cmachine\u201d in the landscape. There were several Venezuelan artists who, on rare occasions, also painted landscapes. However, they also did not care to portrait the impact of technology on the tropical landscape. Until the creation, in 1912, of the C\u00edrculo de Bellas Artes <\/em>\u2014 a cultural center independent of the government \u2014 , Venezuelan painters did not work with landscape painting and when they did they also avoided representing the machine in the landscape; except for a few paintings by Rafael Monasterios (1884-1961) and Armando Rever\u00f3n (1889-1954) done in the first half of the 20th century.<\/p>\n

Our paper will present works by foreign and Venezuelan artists showing the natural landscape being modified by the \u201cmachine\u201d and the historical context in which these works were made. Among the artists are the Danish painter Fritz Melbye (port and steamboat; 1853), the Germans Ferdinand Bellermann (built environment; 1844), Anton Goering (port and city; 1893), and Gustavo Langenberg Winckelmann (landscape with a railroad; 1896), and the Venezuelans painters Ram\u00f3n Bolet Peraza (railways, ports, and lights; 1865, 1866, 1872), and Arturo Michelena (steamboat, ca. 1890). To compensate for the lack of paintings showing a technological intervention of the environment, we include blueprints and maps, lithographs of symbolic landscapes, and photographs of the \u201cmachines\u201d in landscape extracted from magazines, brochures, and books published in the 19th century.[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”As if we never said goodbye – Pendant portraits in the Cuervo Urisarri family collection – Juan Dario Restrepo” tab_id=”juan-dario-restrepo”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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La pareja de retratos del matrimonio Cuervo Urisarri combina las representaciones del paisaje decimon\u00f3nico de dos naciones vecinas (Ecuador y Colombia), a trav\u00e9s de la muy com\u00fan pr\u00e1ctica de los pendant portraits<\/em>, en este caso en un entorno natural y destacando a los esposos del matrimonio en primer plano.<\/p>\n

Las pinturas permitir\u00e1n realizar una aproximaci\u00f3n tr\u00edadica donde adem\u00e1s de analizar las representaciones ic\u00f3nicas del paisaje de cada naci\u00f3n, se estudiaran los personajes retratados en primer plano y por primera vez se estudiar\u00e1 la correspondencia in\u00e9dita que Mar\u00eda Francisca Urisarri y Tordesillas (1826-1869) sostuvo con su esposo Rufino Cuervo Barreto (1801-1853) as\u00ed como las circunstancias que afrontaron como familia entre 1840 \u2013 1842, tiempo en el Cuervo Barreto se desempe\u00f1\u00f3 como embajador de Colombia en el Ecuador.<\/p>\n

Para el caso de Colombia, el matrimonio Cuervo Urisarri representa a una familia en apariencia acomodada, due\u00f1a de haciendas\u00a0 e inmuebles en la capital, cuyo aporte a la historiograf\u00eda parece resumirse hoy en d\u00eda en la concepci\u00f3n del menor de sus hijos, el fil\u00f3logo Rufino Jos\u00e9 Cuervo Urisarri (1844-1911).<\/p>\n

Estas dos obras fueron parte de las colecciones que el Instituto Caro y Cuervo exhibi\u00f3 en 1974 cuando la Casa Cuervo Urisarri fue abierta al p\u00fablico general y acad\u00e9mico.\u00a0 Infortunadamente las dos pinturas salieron de la sede del ICC en circunstancias poco claras, en la d\u00e9cada de 1980 cambiaron de propietarios y terminaron siendo atribuidos a dos autores inexistentes en el siglo XIX: Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Villac\u00eds y Anibal Villac\u00eds (1927 – 2012).<\/p>\n

Este d\u00edptico del paisaje decimon\u00f3nico, con una pareja moment\u00e1neamente separada por asuntos pol\u00edticos y lim\u00edtrofes, se nos presenta ambientada en paisajes naturales de aspecto buc\u00f3lico que evocaba la m\u00edtica Arcadia, caso pertinente de estudio que pretendemos compartir en el marco del simposio y con ello aportar una visi\u00f3n novedosa sobre las representaciones del paisaje en Am\u00e9rica.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”The Romance of Raised-Field Agriculture: 19th-Century Images of Mexico\u2019s Canal de la Viga – Judy Sund” tab_id=”judy-sund”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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Although Humboldt has been accused of fostering European notions of the precolonial Americas\u2019 pristine state, his account of Mexico\u2019s central basin details both pre-Columbian and colonial modifications to the natural environment. \u00a0One of the \u201cmost agreeable,\u201d he wrote, was the water channel connecting Mexico City\u2019s central market to the agrarian sector to its south, a 17th<\/sup>-century viceregal expansion upon an Aztec waterway. The Canal de la Viga \u2013 a premier example of what Pedro Luengo calls the \u201ccanalmania\u201d that Europeans exported to their colonies \u2013 was lined with chinampas. Humboldt characterized these raised fields as soil-covered rafts that rose a meter above the water surface.\u00a0 Though manmade and rectilinear, these \u201cfloating gardens\u201d were naturalized by \u201cvigorous vegetation,\u201d both comestible\u00a0 (beans, potatoes, artichokes) and ornamental (flowers, rose bushes). Though Humboldt was not the first European to describe them, his account of the Canal de la Viga and its chinampas encouraged subsequent visitors to seek them out.<\/p>\n

A hundred-foot-wide promenade had been built along the Canal de la Viga in 1785, and over the course of the long 19th<\/sup> century, this onetime site of commercial transport and agricultural production, recast as quaintly picturesque, was frequented by middle-class locals and foreign tourists. By the late 19th<\/sup> century, it was plied by pleasure craft and steamboats as well as the flat-bottomed trajineras <\/em>poled by farmers taking goods to market \u2013 a transformation documented by lithographs, photographs and picture postcards; paintings by Ernest Wadsworth Longfellow and Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Ibarrar\u00e1n y Ponce; and Gabriel Veyre\u2019s early motion picture (1896).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Unbuilding the Landscape in the Reconstruction South – Juliet Sperling” tab_id=”juliet-sperling”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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In the wake of the Civil War, the once-familiar American South was rendered newly strange. Physically ravaged and ideologically malleable, the region was recast as a contact zone, and artists turned to the land itself as the primary site of redefinition. But as the terrain was increasingly replanted, primarily by formerly enslaved African Americans, those depicting it had a choice to make: acknowledge Black bodies, or erase both humans and their interventions, thus positioning the \u201cNew South\u201d as terra incognita.<\/p>\n

Edward Smith King\u2019s The Great South<\/em>, a series of illustrations and texts published in Scribner\u2019s <\/em>between 1872 and 1875, offers insight into the nuances, complexities, and lasting impact of this decision. Hundreds of wood engravings printed after drawings by James Wells Champney\u2014the most visible Southern landscapes of the Reconstruction era\u2014reveal conflicting desires to simultaneously dramatize the African-American presence in the region, and to negate their existence altogether. Reorienting long-held dismissals of Southern landscapes as pale imitations of a superior Hudson River School tradition, I place Champney\u2019s images in conversation with landscapes of the wider Global South, namely the Caribbean and Brazil, teasing out parallel triangulations of agriculture, dominance, and elision. Ultimately, I argue that Champney\u2019s artificially emptied landscapes, far more than his insipid, formulaic racial caricatures, were potent sites for constructing myths of prosperity and self-sustenance in the absence of Black labor\u2014an ideological tangle of whiteness, nationalism, and soil currently making a violent resurgence.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Tanning, Deforestation, Reforestation, and the Early History of Landscape Painting in the United States, 1825-1855 – Kenneth Myers” tab_id=”kenneth-myers”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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Although not previously discussed, the emergence of the eastern Catskill Mountains of New York State as the most important early destination for landscape tourists and painters in the United States was closely connected to the concurrent development of the region as an internationally important center for the manufacture of leather.<\/p>\n

The first large-scale tannery in the United States was completed in 1817. It was located in Kaaterskill Clove, a few miles southeast of the waterfall that Thomas Cole made famous in the mid-1820s. With financing from Manhattan bankers, local tanners were soon importing vast quantities of hides from as far as Brazil and California. Development of the tanneries required extensive logging and led to the pollution of local water supplies.<\/p>\n

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Landscape tourism and art in the United States first developed in the area around the Catskill Mountain House, which had hemlock trees but did not interest tanners because it lacked running water. In the 1820s and 1830s, the presence of active tanneries to the north, west and south of the Mountain House area discouraged both tourists and artists from exploring those regions. Tanneries in Kaaterskill Clove closed in the late 1830s, after they had exhausted local supplies of tannin-rich hemlock. Closure of the tanneries enabled second-growth trees to mature and local streams to clear. After 1845, the Clove became a preferred destination for a new generation landscape painters led by Asher Durand and John Kensett who were seeking inexpensive places to stay while they completed closely observed oil studies of rocks, trees, and forest interiors.<\/p>\n

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[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Pintura mural y lo dom\u00e9stico popular: un espacio de construcci\u00f3n del imaginario pintoresco local en el Siglo XIX – Lisa Anzellini” tab_id=”lisa-anzellini”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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A pesar de que es una expresi\u00f3n art\u00edstica poco documentada y poco preservada, la pintura mural en Colombia en el S.XIX se utilizaba en los espacios de la alta sociedad como un s\u00edmbolo de estatus. As\u00ed, en algunas casas se encuentran hermosas pinturas policromadas que decoran los espacios de recepci\u00f3n con im\u00e1genes en los muros que representaran escenas pintorescas, paisajes europeos o grandes obras de ingenier\u00eda moderna. El ornamento era sin\u00f3nimo de lujo, y las escenas extranjeras hac\u00edan parte de esta l\u00f3gica.<\/p>\n

Al viajar por el altiplano cundiboyacense, se puede observar una expresi\u00f3n art\u00edstica bastante particular: se encuentran casas, muchas ya en ruinas, con pintura mural en su fachada. Generalmente estas no son grandes casas de hacendados sino peque\u00f1as casas m\u00e1s humildes, posiblemente de campesinos. La intenci\u00f3n de esta investigaci\u00f3n es buscar hacer un registro de estas pinturas que en muchos casos est\u00e1n pr\u00f3ximas a perderse por el paso del tiempo y son un patrimonio importante para construir la historia y rastrear las costumbres del siglo XIX. As\u00ed mismo, se pretende buscar qu\u00e9 tipo de im\u00e1genes se representaban en este contexto m\u00e1s popular: desde escenas de caza en el r\u00edo Magdalena y corridas de toros hasta puentes colgantes y paisajes tropicales. El trazo de estas pinturas, muy na\u00eff, <\/em>nos da la pista de que no eran pinturas hechas por pintores profesionales sino probablemente por los mismos habitantes de estos lugares. Eran una ventana que contaba historias, un ornamento que habla de una cultura oral plasmada en la imagen, un medio de narraci\u00f3n de historias propias al siglo XIX y de paisajes propios de nuestro pa\u00eds \u00bfcu\u00e1l era su funci\u00f3n y de d\u00f3nde viene esta pr\u00e1ctica?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Landscape Art of the Americas: The Dialogue of Painters (and Paintings) at the 1910 International Centenary Exhibition in Santiago de Chile – M. Elizabeth (Betsy) Boone” tab_id=”m-elizabeth-boone”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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In 1910, the Chilean government sponsored a large international exhibition in its newly inaugurated Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes to honor the nation\u2019s centenary of independence from colonial rule. In response to this invitation, the United States government sent a large display of paintings to Santiago de Chile, several of which were purchased for the new museum\u2019s growing collection. Writing about the exhibition, U.S. Commissioner John Trask emphasized the importance of landscape painting in the United States, manifesting its national characteristics as a \u201cclarity of vision and firmness of purpose.\u201d None of the landscapes acquired by the Chilean government depict an Edenic America; rather they foreground the interaction of human and natural factors, presenting the United States as a settled nation of agrarian wealth. This paper examines the metaphorical dialogue that developed between the works purchased for Chile\u2019s national museum\u2014paintings by Charles Francis Browne, J. Francis Murphy, John F. Stacey, and Charles Morris Young\u2014and landscapes by Chilean painters Alfredo Helsby, Onofre Jarpa, Pedro Lira, and Alberto Valenzuela Llanos, who also exhibited and received awards at the centenary. Employing close visual analysis and comparison of individual paintings by these U.S. and Chilean painters, this study explores the contributions of one particular group of foreign artists to the development of landscape in the southern cone of South America. My work on this topic began in 2014 with the reconstruction of the 1910 exhibit for the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes and continues today in an extended consideration of how agricultural land was used at the turn of the twentieth century in the context of national identity formation.<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”La construcci\u00f3n del paisaje mexicano en el \u00e1lbum de M\u00e9xico y sus Alrededores, 1855-1856 – Majo Rojas” tab_id=”majo-rojas”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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M\u00e9xico y sus Alrededores. Colecci\u00f3n de vistas, trajes y monumentos <\/em>fue un \u00e1lbum litogr\u00e1fico editado por el franc\u00e9s Jos\u00e9 Decaen. Fue un proyecto que se fue compilando (desde 1855) a partir del sistema de entregas. Su contenido consta de dos partes: una literaria y una visual que destaca edificios emblem\u00e1ticos, costumbres populares y paisajes en la ciudad de M\u00e9xico. Para su ejecuci\u00f3n, fueron convocados escritores como Manuel Payno, as\u00ed como Casimiro Castro, dibujante-lit\u00f3grafo, autor de varias l\u00e1minas. Fue una obra que alcanz\u00f3 tal \u00e9xito comercial que se edit\u00f3 despu\u00e9s en varias ocasiones (1857, 1863 y 1864).<\/p>\n

El objetivo de esta ponencia, es ofrecer una lectura a M\u00e9xico y sus Alrededores<\/em> a partir de la tem\u00e1tica del paisaje urbano en algunas litograf\u00edas bajo los lineamientos te\u00f3ricos de Richard L. Kagan. \u00a0Pienso que gran parte del \u00e1lbum puede ser entendido como una serie de \u201cvistas comunic\u00e9ntricas\u201d, en las que se vincula la civitas<\/em> y la urbs<\/em>. De esta manera, los paisajes como \u201cLa Villa de Guadalupe\u201d resultan im\u00e1genes simb\u00f3licas que a partir de la entidad f\u00edsica, <\/em>dan un significado de los habitantes a los mexicanos.<\/p>\n

La primera edici\u00f3n de la obra invita al espectador a acceder a la mirada ideol\u00f3gica de una ciudad que antecedi\u00f3 un conflicto b\u00e9lico que gener\u00f3 grandes cambios como La Guerra de Reforma (1858-1861). De igual forma, por medio de la imagen del paisaje urbano, es posible entender que el prop\u00f3sito del editor fue otorgarle un car\u00e1cter de particularidad e individualidad a la ciudad de M\u00e9xico a partir de \u201clugares comunes y significativos\u201d. De tal suerte, que hoy en d\u00eda, el \u00e1lbum de Decaen sea citado como uno de los testimonios gr\u00e1ficos que mejor se relaciona con la construcci\u00f3n de lo \u201cmexicano\u201d durante el siglo XIX.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Pits, Mounds, Scaffolds: Burying and Unearthing Indigenous Bodies in the U.S. Landscape – Mari\u0301a Beatriz H. Carrio\u0301n” tab_id=”maria-beatriz-h-carrion”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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In 1881, the U.S. Bureau of Ethnology published its first annual report to the Smithsonian Institution. The document included an extensive section on the \u201cmortuary customs of North American Indians\u201d authored by the naturalist H.C. Yarrow. This text describes practices that range from cremation to tree and scaffold burials. Lavish illustrations by lithographer Thomas Sinclair and painter Henry Farny complement Yarrow\u2019s essay. These images, intended to other <\/em>indigenous peoples, incidentally demonstrate the cultural relationships binding these communities to the North American landscape. In fact, the territories annexed during the Westward Expansion appear as an integral element of native mortuary practices. Moreover, the indigenous figures in these illustrations are not passive attributes of nature but agents who occupy and transform the land with ephemeral constructions and massive mounds.<\/p>\n

This paper examines these illustrations against the imagery that deliberately concealed Native Americans\u2019 interventions in the landscape as a means to legitimize the Westward Expansion. It analyzes how the tensions between these two visual repertoires and views on land ownership were resolved and sustained in the late nineteenth century. The paper also reveals the specificity of this phenomenon in the U.S. by (1) addressing the pseudo-scientific and systematic unearthing of indigenous remains during the late 1800s and (2) by comparing the illustrations of Yarrow\u2019s essay to Moritz Rugendas\u2019 portrayal of indigenous burials in Brazil. Accordingly, this study expands the scholarship on art\u2019s relation to both territory-building and land dispossession and on the comparative study of indigeneity in the region.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”The Landscape of Prehistory: Chaco Canyon and the Framing of the Past in American Archaeology – Matthew Johnston” tab_id=”matthew-johnston”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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This paper is part of a larger project investigating how American archaeological work in the Southwest gradually elides the history of displacement of native and Mexican peoples in the aftermath of the Mexican-American War. Some of the earliest American encounters with ruins and abandoned settlements belonging to Ancestral Puebloan civilizations occurred in the context of demarcating the new boundary between Mexico and the United States. John Russell Bartlett\u2019s Personal Narrative of the U.S.-Mexican Boundary Survey<\/em>\u00a0 (1854) is an example and is noteworthy for the way ruins are both a major focus within it and for how the author connects ruins with ongoing processes of forced removal. The recognition of a complex and often violent history of population movements that has continued into the present day is what drops out of later archaeological work in the region. This paper tracks how this shift is brought about through a notion of prehistoric time that is developed by privileging certain kinds of archaeological evidence (especially pottery and architectural remains) and certain practices of presenting and interpreting that evidence, looking in particular at the history of excavations in Chaco Canyon at the turn of the century. Much of the scholarship on this chapter of American archaeology has focused on the origins of the Antiquities Act (1906), as American scientists sought to exert control over sites like Chaco Canyon from investigation (and looting) by perceived non-professionals. This paper focuses rather on the points of intersection between professional and amateur investigations around the notion of the prehistoric and shared ways of solidifying its reality through descriptions and illustrations of ruins emptied of significance for contemporary native populations.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”The long-term impact of Humboldtian aesthetics in the contemporary photography of Fernando Cordero: motives, visual constructions, media, atmospheres, and politics of landscape representation – Peter Krieger” tab_id=”peter-krieger”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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This paper exceeds the historical framework of the colloquium, by explaining how the patterns of Humboldtian 19th century landscape painting in the Americas have generated a conceptual persistence up to the contemporary production of artistic photography. A close reading of a significant example of the Mexican photographer Fernando Cordero (* 1958) reveal how the impact of Civilization in natural landscapes is represented via aesthetic modes of 19th century Romanticism. The analysis of the selected photograph, which shows the construction of a gas pipeline in the Mexican mountain landscape of Hidalgo, will be structured by six key concepts: first, an exploration of the landscape motives, as conceptualized by Humboldt and other theorists of 19th century art, such as Carus, or nature writers, such as Thoreau; second, the materiality of the image, including technical aspects of visual construction; third, the mediality (and media ecology) of the photographs which constitute visual knowledge of environmental issues; fourth, the specific artistic strategies of generating atmospheres (Stimmungen<\/em>, in German, a key notion of Romanticism); fifth, the inherent animation of the image towards ethical engagement; and sixth, the continuing elements political iconography of landscape, from the 19th century to the present, in the context of the controversial debates on the Anthropocene. Nota bene<\/em>: I have analyzed the work of Fernando Cordero in my recent book Transparencies \/ Transitions \/ Tapias <\/em>(Mexico, 2019). However, in this paper, I do not resume this research, but present new insights, related to the interesting conceptual framework of the colloquium, establishing transhistorical and transcultural debates on landscape representation.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Plantation Paintings in Cuba and the U.S. South: National Identity versus Slavery Justification – Rachel Stephens” tab_id=”rachel-stephens”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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Cultural pathways between Cuba and the U.S. South became particularly strong during the nineteenth century as merchants and travelers moved fluidly between the two regions.<\/p>\n

Despite their interconnectivity, scant art historical scholarship produced in the United States addresses nineteenth-century Cuba, and comparative projects between the two regions are extremely limited. This project focuses on art that was produced in support of plantation cultures and economies prior to emancipation in Cuba and the U.S. South, respectively. In comparing the pro-slavery works of each region, significant similarities and differences emerge that enlighten the specificity of slavery promotion in each place. While southern plantation scenes either exclude enslaved people or depict them as an idle, happy aspect of the family unit, Cuban scenes tend to depict industrious, albeit tiny, enslaved people working in technologically advanced settings. Although both sub-genres promoted slavery, the American scenes justified the hierarchy of the institution as naturally beneficial, while the Cuban scenes celebrated the efficiency of the system to entice additional Spanish investment and settlement. Cuba\u2019s plantation scenes were colonizing in intent, while southern scenes sought to support the maintenance of the institution. A comparison that includes the Louisiana paintings of Marie Adrien Persac and the ingenio <\/em>works of \u00c9douard Laplante reveals how both regions\u2019 works romanticized the plantation system and its tamed landscape, de-humanized enslaved African Americans, and exposed the great extent to which artists were implicated in justifying slavery.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Contested Ground: Material, Meaning, and Metonymic Landscape in Nineteenth-Century Plains Painting – Ramey Mize” tab_id=”ramey-mize”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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Scholars often remark on a perceived lack of landscape representation in buffalo hide paintings by Indigenous artists of the North American Great Plains. Though Euro-American pictorial conventions like horizon lines, natural landmarks, and botanical details are generally absent, this paper locates an alternate, vital site of landscape in the tanned and textured surface of buffalo hide itself. Emerging as an essential source of both physical and spiritual sustenance for Plains people in the late 1600s, buffalo formed the basis for a collective sense of place. Painters rendered vivid scenes of buffalo hunts across buffalo hide with buffalo bone brushes, and together, the medium, support, and subject reiterate the animal\u2019s centrality. In this sense, the skin functions as a metonymic landscape, indelibly evocative of its environment and the region known as \u201cPt\u00e9 Oy\u00e1te\u201d (Buffalo Nation) to the Lakota.<\/p>\n

By 1883, however, the buffalo were brought to the brink of extinction. The incursions of U.S. settler colonialism, international demand for buffalo hide robes, and climate change all contributed to the species\u2019 decimation. Through a comparison of pre-reservation era hide imagery by artists such as Mato-Tope (Mandan) and Cadzi Cody (Shoshone), with later works on paper and muslin by Stephen Standing Bear (Lakota) and Wohaw (Kiowa), I will investigate the ways in which landscape and colonial disruption were instantiated at the material level. By taking into account the ecological, historical, and symbolic valences of Plains painting and its shifting supports, this paper offers a different understanding of contested \u201cground.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Palm Trees and Drydocks: The Tropical Landscape in Carvalho’s Martinique Photographs and Their Afterlife in Ink – Remi Poindexter” tab_id=”remi-poindexter”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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In 1872, American photographer Solomon Nunes Carvalho embarked on a journey to the French Caribbean island of Martinique. While on the island, Carvalho captured photographs of the island’s landscapes, which are currently in the Martinique Album <\/em>at the New York Public Library.<\/p>\n

Carvalho’s album is unique, because nine of the twenty-six albumen prints\u2014over a third in total\u2014feature the island’s drydock facility in the capital city of Fort-de-France. This focus on<\/p>\n

state-of-the-art maritime infrastructure complicates the nineteenth-century idea of representing the Caribbean as a palm-filled picturesque. Due to its geography and close ties to the metropole, Martinique often paradoxically straddled the line between tropical “exotic” and familiar outpost of France.<\/p>\n

In 1874, two years after Carvalho’s trip, an illustrated article entitled “Rambles in Martinique” appeared in the January issue of Harper’s New Monthly Magazine<\/em>. Of the twenty-two engravings that accompanied the article, eight came directly from Carvalho’s photographs, yet none showed the drydocks that had captured the photographer’s attention. Instead, the illustrations for “Rambles in Martinique” presented a view of the island that was far more consistent with tropical imagery seen in nineteenth-century Caribbean travel narratives.<\/p>\n

In this paper I will provide an art historical analysis Carvalho’s Martinique Album<\/em>, focussing on his choice of industrial and man-made sites\u2014from drydocks to cities and botanical gardens. I will also compare and contrast Carvalho’s views to those subsequently printed in Harper’s New Monthly Magazine<\/em>, arguing that these were purposefully selected (and in some cases altered) to present a timeless tropical locale to American readers.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”El antiguo reino del az\u00facar: reconsiderando la hacienda azucarera en la obra de Francisco Oller – Tamara Calcan\u0303o” tab_id=”tamara-calcano”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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En la historia del arte puertorrique\u00f1o, se tiende a recordar a Francisco Oller (1833- 1917) mayormente como un pintor de haciendas azucareras, a pesar de que la tem\u00e1tica solo figura unas siete veces en obra, tan variada en estilo y sujetos. Pinturas como Hacienda La Fortuna <\/em>(1885) y Hacienda Aurora <\/em>(c. 1898-99) se han convertido en sin\u00f3nimos del paisaje del az\u00facar en el Caribe, aquella industria que defini\u00f3 tanto de la estructura social de las islas. S\u00edmbolos de dominio blanco y criollo sobre la tierra colonizada del subtr\u00f3pico. Sin embargo, hemos de tomar en cuenta el contexto hist\u00f3rico y econ\u00f3mico en el que Oller pint\u00f3 estas obras, la mayor\u00eda de sus pinturas de hacienda datan de entre 1885 a 1899. Estos a\u00f1os fueron el periodo paisajista m\u00e1s importante de su carrera, y fue uno marcado por la decadencia de la industria azucarera en Puerto Rico. Nos resulta interesante que haya sido durante este periodo de declive econ\u00f3mico, marcado por la quiebra constante de peque\u00f1as haciendas azucareras, que Oller se interesara por este sujeto. Queremos entonces proponer otra mirada sobre estas pinturas, verlas no como meras representaciones del dominio econ\u00f3mico sobre la tierra, si no como una exploraci\u00f3n personal del pintor a su regreso de Espa\u00f1a en 1883 y su consciencia de un Puerto Rico en la c\u00faspide de grandes cambios pol\u00edticos, el tronchado sue\u00f1o de la autonom\u00eda y la invasi\u00f3n estadounidense.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][vc_tta_section title=”Painting Houses: The Domestic Landscape of the Hudson River School – William Coleman” tab_id=”william-coleman”][vc_column_text]<\/p>\n

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For artists of the 19th<\/sup>-century landscape painting boom in the northeastern United States that is commonly called the Hudson River School, country houses were not only subjects for representation but also ways of structuring, inhabiting, and knowing a particular topography, extending practice beyond the constraints of oil on canvas. For Thomas Cole, Frederic Edwin Church, and Jasper Francis Cropsey, in particular, the process of designing and building country houses of their own was a direct response to transatlantic models of the creative country life and a core component of the practice of a transdisciplinary art of landscape to which building and gardening contributed alongside painting.<\/p>\n

The differences between the three houses that serve as this paper\u2019s case studies are significant, but, as a group, they reveal important patterns. From the relative modesty of Cole\u2019s Italianate \u201cCedar Grove\u201d to Church\u2019s pseudo-Persian fantasy palace, \u201cOlana,\u201d and Cropsey\u2019s learned study in Carpenter Gothic, \u201cAladdin,\u201d these houses and the artists\u2019 representations of them speak to processes of translation from European models to American contexts and from oil on canvas to brick and mortar. By considering the vision of domesticated landscape that each house represents and the paintings of the surrounding scenery that each artist produced, this paper will demonstrate that artists\u2019 houses are a key context for the study of the Hudson River School, especially for an adequate understanding of the trope of the house in the landscape that became one of its most prevalent subjects.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_tta_section][\/vc_tta_accordion][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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DeLue, Princeton University” tab_id=”rachael-delue”][vc_column_text]The American philosopher Ralph Waldo Emerson wrote in 1841 that landscape paintings \u201cshould give the suggestion of a fairer creation than we […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":2712,"parent":2782,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-2893","page","type-page","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry"],"yoast_head":"\nProgramme - Landscape Art of the Americas Symposium - Uniandes<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Programme - Landscape Art of the Americas: Sites of Human Intervention across the Nineteenth Century Symposium - Uniandes - Bogot\u00e1, Colombia\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"noindex, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Programme - 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